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Article received on February 21,
2007 UDC 654.191(497.11):316.422"1918/1941" |
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Biljana Srećković RADIO BELGRADE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE MODERNIZATION
OF Modernization means examining the relationship between “traditionalism” and “modernism” and is interpreted as “a global transformation of the traditional, that is, the transforming of stagnant societies into dynamic systems” (Gredelj, 1997; 41) [2]. Modernization can also be understood as “a process of social change, where less developed societies adopt characteristics that are common in developed societies” (Marković, 1990; 8) [3]. The appearance of modernization, therefore, indicates “social development”, as well as “the intensifying of the process of social differentiation and the constant changing of internal and external circumstances of a social system” (Gredelj, 1997; 41) [4] . The medium of the radio represents a paradigmatic example for examining the process of modernization in the first half of the 20th century [5]. The radio first appeared as a means of communication, alongside the telegraph and telephone, in the context of the development of industrial capitalism in the late 19th century (Middleton, 1990; 84) [6]. It was not until the second decade of the last century that the radio acquired its specific forms (broadcasting) and new social function, that is, became a mass medium (Middleton, 1990; 84) [7]. The expansion of radio as a medium of mass communication contributed to quicker and more efficient penetration of advanced models into traditional societies, which meant that, by listening to the radio programme, listeners became participants in modernization on the level of local, that is, global cultural space (Marković, 1990; 102) [8]. In that sense, it would be important to ascertain to what extent the development of radio and radio technology influenced the modernization of Serbian society, that is, the Belgrade cultural milieu [9] . It seems justified to examine this problem, if we bear in mind that the first public broadcasting station – Radio Belgrade – was founded in Belgrade in the late 1920s, which points to the fact that Serbian society was involved in the process of modernization [10]. Therefore, we shall use Radio Belgrade as a model for examining the parameters of modernization and, by analyzing the specific characteristics of this broadcasting station in the first decade of its development, we shall attempt to demonstrate to what extent Serbian society adopted the principles of the functioning of developed societies. It is particularly important to examine to what extent music, whose broadcasting constituted most of the programme on Radio Belgrade, contributed to the diffusion of advanced models. We shall base our analyses of the aforementioned problems on the reading of Radio Beograd magazine [11], that is, issues of the magazine published in the period from 1929 to 1940 [12] . The medium of the radio in the Belgrade Cultural Milieu – Analyzing Elements of Modernization 13 Characteristics of economic modernization Economic modernization is conditioned by natural and historical circumstances in which a society develops. When those circumstances are unfavourable, the investment of domestic and foreign capital provides an additional stimulus for social progress (Marković, 1990; 30) [14]. This is precisely the case with the appearance and activity of Radio Belgrade. The French company TSF was the first to get a permit to build a radiotelegraphic network in Yugoslavia, while from the 1930s onwards the majority of the capital was in the hands of English investors [15]. Austrian capital also had a substantial share, which is witnessed by the fact that official records were maintained in German (in the first years of the Radio’s operation) (Gašić, 2005; 108). It should be underlined that the market was dominated by German, Dutch and American distributors of radio sets (Telefunken, Siemens-Halske, Brown, Förg, Phillips, Standard Electric, Crosley, Philco) [16] . Thus foreign investors influenced the development of the market and the society, establishing models that determined the process of modernization in Serbia, that is, the acceptance of postulates of modernization by the listeners. Additionally, in a way, the needs of foreign investors steered certain segments of the programme. This is suggested by foreign language learning via the radio, initially French and German, and later on Czech (from 1932), Polish (from 1934), and English (from 1936). The programme also included lectures of foreign authors translated into Serbian, as well as broadcasts of lectures in foreign languages. Another popular part of the programme were educational lectures, broadcast mainly with the aim of familiarizing the public with primarily European and American culture and tradition [17]. Live broadcasts of various (music and non-music) events taking place across Europe also indicated a need to become part of the current, mostly European, scene [18] . Another important phenomenon in the process of economic modernization was related to familiarizing the listeners with technological innovations, that is, with radio sets and the potential of radio technology [19]. Although many listeners resisted innovations (or “the modern”), there was a lot of propaganda in promoting new technology [20]. Each issue of the magazine featured texts on “topical issues of radio technology”, including schemes for assembling and installing radio sets, which was further accompanied by “evenings of technical advice” (for example, 1929, no. 1, 1; 1929, no. 2, 2; 1929, no. 5, 1; 1936, no. 1, 4). Notwithstanding such a promotion of the radio, acquiring a radio set was not a simple procedure, since each user had to submit a request for installation and pay a fee and the subscription, which resulted in a small number of subscribers (1929, no. 5: 11). Numerous advertisements dedicated to the radio and radio equipment were printed and radio exhibitions were organized with the aim of popularizing the radio (medium/set) as an everyday part of life [21]. The radio was, therefore, one of the first widely-used electrical appliances, so that in a certain sense the expansion of the radio signaled a new phase in the modernization process – “the wave of electrification” of households [22] . Characteristics of political modernization The greatest results of modernization in Serbian society in the first half of the 20th century were achieved on the state and political levels (Marković, 1990; 32 - 33). The shift in the “sense of belonging” from the regional to the national is a testimony of this political modernization (Marković, 1990; 11) [23]. The national state of the Serbian people existed in the 19th century and the moment of the creation of Yugoslavia (1918) marked the end of nationalism in the narrower sense of the word [24]. National ideology continued to exist, only this time in interaction with the cosmopolitan ideas of liberalism, which made the penetration of European influences all the more evident [25] . It was believed that the radio played an especially important role in promoting the doctrine of rationalism and that “the expansion of the use of radio was a national need” (1931, no. 5, 10) [26]. It was emphasized that “the general task of cultural activity determines the progress and flourishing of national cultures of individual nations” and that “the more cultural the nationalism of a nation is, the greater the value of that nation will be” (1930, no. 6, 1). Preservation of the mother tongue is one of the elements conditioning national identity, which made it important for the listeners to hear announcements in “their native language” [27]. Shows dedicated to the preservation of the Serbian language, culture and tradition were broadcast with that aim in mind, among which the show “Srpsko veče” (Serbian Evening) had a special place on the programme (1930, no. 12, 1; 1929, no. 12, 14) [28]. From the 1930s onwards, the emphasis on the idea of “Serbianism” was replaced by the promotion of the concept of Yugoslavism and the politics of “national reconciliation” [29]. In that period, Radio Belgrade collaborated with broadcasting stations from Zagreb and Ljubljana (from 1930) [30], while from 1933 onwards, Radio-Beograd magazine temporarily changed its name to Radio Beograd, Zagreb, Ljubljana. Nonetheless, even though an atmosphere of celebrating the union prevailed on the radio, political life was wrought with disagreements caused by the distancing from the Yugoslav idea and turning to individual national issues [31]. Regardless of the existence of political friction, it seems that state representatives were trying to paint a different picture by means of the Radio. Thus, the year 1935 saw the introduction of the show “Nacionalni čas” (National Hour) which included different topics from Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian history and whose concept was to have all three broadcasting stations working together on the realization of the programme [32] . Furthermore, there were also other evident characteristics of political modernization, such as a greater effort to attain the ideals of equality. The phenomenon that completes political modernization, that is, the struggle for greater equality and participation of the population in political life, is the struggle for women’s rights (Marković, 1990; 34). At the time women were still a legally and politically discriminated segment of society and when we analyze “texts” from the radio we perceive that there was indeed a need to solve this problem in keeping with the trends of modernization. The radio programme occasionally featured broadcasts of lectures on the position of women in public life, often with a pronounced feminist connotation (which is illustrated by titles such as “Majka feminizma” /The Mother of Feminism/, “Muškarci i feminizam” /Men and Feminism/, “Radio i žena” /The Radio and Women/, “Žene u službi radija” /Women in the Service of the Radio/ and the like) (1930, no. 2, 17; 1930, no. 3, 1; 1931, no. 3, 1; 1939, no. 7, 1). Characteristics of social modernization The expansion of new media in Serbia [33] in the interwar period was very significant for the acceleration of the process of modernization of society (Marković, 1990; 102). At the time, the radio was represented to the public as “one of the greatest cultural achievements of mankind” (1931, no. 5, 10). Therefore, it had a major influence on empathy, that is, “one of the basic psychological mechanisms that lead to social change” (Marković, 1990; 102). If we bear in mind the fact that less literate and industrialized environments accepted the influence of radio more easily because they lacked a strong “visual organization of experience”, we realize the importance of this medium for the progress of Serbian society (Milenković, 2000; 98) [34] . We can examine to what degree social modernization was realized by analyzing the social structure of the listeners. Namely, it was emphasized that the function of the radio was to serve as a “public service”, since “in that way our country gets one broadcasting station that will be useful to both the individual and the whole country” (1929, no. 1, 1). It was felt that the radio must serve general interests, “bring all individuals and the nation together” and “be available to all social strata” (1931, no. 5, 10; 1931, no. 7, 1). On the one hand, there was a need for a “universal” content intended for members of all social structures, that is, for the entire population. Such a programme concept was aimed at promoting the entertaining, educational and informative functions of the radio (musical, literary and scientific programmes, foreign language learning, lectures, news and reports) [35]. That made every individual a part of the local (and global) network of the radio programme, a consumer, as shown by the following statement: “Suddenly I am no longer alone, I become a member of a great, invisible, yet present mass of listeners” (1933, no. 15, 1). On the other hand, since the social structure of the population (the listeners) was not homogeneous, openness towards “all social strata” implied a differentiated programme that was determined by the demands of diverse, specific social classes. The most numerous members of the social structure (farmers, rentiers, officers, and students) were mostly not radio subscribers, which meant that there was a need to attract these groups by a specific programme content [36]. It was underlined that “radio was not intended only for the more affluent circles” and that it also had to be “useful to our common folk” (1929, no. 1, 8). Thus, for one hour twice a month, the radio broadcast a variety show called “Radio za radnike” (Workers’ Radio) as well as the show “Emisija iznenađenja” (Surprise Show) intended for “our common man whose struggle for survival prevents him from devoting his free time to enjoyment during workdays” (1931, no. 7, 1; 1938, no. 11, 3). It was believed that “the radio should also be useful to the broad masses of farming folk”, which led to the introduction of a show called “Čas za seljake” (Farmers’ Hour), based on lectures on economy, hygiene and announcements of the Association of Serbian Agricultural Cooperatives (1929, no. 1, 1; and 1930, no.1, 14). Other important target groups included children, to whom the show “Dečji čas” (Children’s Hour) was dedicated, and the youth, because “they are the quickest to accept technical innovations” (1931, no. 11, 5). Thus, even though the majority of subscribers belonged to social groups that were characteristic of modern society (entrepreneurs, clerks, and the modern working class), there was a tendency to orient the programme concept towards other social structures as well. The level of social modernization is also determined by “the social acceptance of the values of modernization”, that is, by the shift towards industrialization (Marković, 1990; 37). Regardless of the social differences among the listeners, one of the causes of the mass fascination with the radio [37] is the fact that it was the first time that different social classes had been offered something common – a full-day radio programme from which each individual listener could choose. The radio was presented as an affordable and economical medium, but also as a medium that “contributes to the national revenue in the form of tax” [38] and gives “a strong impetus to the industry” (1933, no. 6, 1; 1933, no. 8, 6) [39]. The period of the radio’s appearance and expansion saw the establishment of a new model that determined the way in which new media functioned in the context of the development of the culture industry [40] . Namely, studios produce the goods, that is, the programme, which is then sold through the payment of subscription. In the moment of consumption, that programme becomes the producer, which produces the audience, after which the audience is sold to the advertisers (Fisk, 2001; 35)[41]. Thus the medium of radio indicates the functioning of two systems – the financial (which includes the circulation of profit) and the cultural (which implies the circulation and production of meaning). In that sense, the appearance of radio established and promoted the key demands of industrial society. One of the characteristics of social modernization is the establishment of a new quality of everyday life and the mapping of elements of popular culture (Marković, 1990; 37) [42]. Namely, the everyday cultural life in Belgrade in the interwar period was marked by new social phenomena such as following fashion, fostering the cult of the body [43] and of health [44], as well as attending sports events [45]. The said phenomena were the result of American influences, which penetrated Serbian society to a great extent via the American film industry, among other things [46]. The development of popular culture in Belgrade was, therefore, a progressive process, initiated under the influence of European and American models of behaviour, that is, industrialization and modernization. However, unlike the demands of modernization for social differentiation, the products of popular culture strive to negate social differences and become attractive to everyone (Fisk, 2001; 36) [47]. This leads to an abolition of elitist cultural practice, whose consumers are representatives of high social classes, that is, to a mass distribution of cultural products to different social classes (Storey, 2004: 14). The general aspiration was for the homogenization (universalization) of culture with the aim of developing cultural economy and conquering the market (for more details, see: Storey, 2004; 85 - 88) [48] . Based on the aforementioned facts, it can be concluded that Serbian society was on the right track to overcoming the process of transition [49] and accepting changes and new models of functioning. We shall also verify this conclusion on the basis of an analysis of the presence of music on the Radio. Music on Radio Belgrade in the Context of Modernization Through the medium of the radio, music became an integral part of everyday life and thus influenced the formation of the music taste of individual listeners, as well as the whole society, acting as a form of social communication and a sign of numerous social phenomena (Frith, 2002; 96 - 97). Therefore, by analyzing the music programme of Radio Belgrade, we shall try to establish to what extent Serbian society accepted the influences of modernized societies. If we bear in mind that music accounted for more than half of Radio Belgrade’s broadcast programme, examining these elements seems particularly significant. The music programme was stereotypically conceived and included different types of music, because “the radio requires variety, contrasts, instruction and entertainment” (Švarc, 1932; 48; cf.: Vukdragović, 1931; 2 - 3). It was required that music have “an educative effect on the masses”, which made it necessary to achieve a balance between the educative and entertaining functions of music (1930, no. 14, 1; 1939, no. 1, 1). The music programme was differentiated so as to satisfy all social strata and their needs, because “the programme of the radio has to be compromising” (1936, no. 14, 1) [50]. Namely, it was emphasized that the listeners distinguished between two types of music – while “one is easily accessible” so that “its melodies enter the ear on their own and its rhythm moves us on its own”, the other one “is much less accessible since it makes higher demands not only on the ear but on a man’s entire being” (1933, no. 12, 1). In the beginning of radio’s development, classical music was prevalent on the programme and listener polls led to the conclusion that “there is too much serious music” [51], so that many of the listeners asked for “a song and a tune” in the extended time of the broadcast (1936, no. 14, 1) [52]. Therefore, there was a need to satisfy diverse music tastes, but, at the same time, the goal was to create an integral programme based on entertainment music (in keeping with the needs of everyday life) [53] . It is important to underline that in other European countries as well, the music programme implied the domination of classical music, which was broadcast with the aim of helping the audience develop “a more serious taste”, but, on the other hand, a greater prevalence of popular music for entertainment and relaxation (Negus, 1996; 78). Entertainment music is a model example for studying elements of modernization and foreign influences, so that we shall take a more detailed look at the prevalence of this type of music on the programme. It became dominant as a consequence of “the influence of radio on the people’s psyche”, that is, as a symptom of the change in the listeners’ music taste and their need to be entertained when listening to the radio programme (1930, no. 14, 3). One form of music for entertainment was entertainment music for dancing, that is, dance music [54]. The most evident influence in that area was that of Northern and Latin American, as well as English dances [55], including the Charleston, Andaluz, foxtrot, shimmy, tango, paso doble, rumba, lambeth walk and others [56]. In order to make the experience of listening to dance music more complete, the Radio broadcast “Časovi igranja” (Dance Lessons) and the magazine featured demonstrations of dance steps through pictures (for example, 1929, no. 6, 14) [57]. At first, dance music was played on gramophone records, but later it was broadcast live from social events or performed by a jazz band in the studio (Savić, 2000; 189) [58]. In that case they performed numbers that probably included a vocal soloist, since every number had a specific title and entry pertaining to a certain dance [59]. In addition to new dances, the listeners had the opportunity to hear some old (traditional) [60] dances, such as the waltz, polka, czardas and kolo, while sometimes new and old dances were broadcast at the same time, that is, during the same show [61]. This helped connect listeners of different profiles and interests – those who were attached to tradition and those who accepted modern trends. This conclusion is in keeping with the theory of modernization, which does not imply the abandoning of traditional heritage, but rather its transformation (Gredelj, 1997; 42). Dominant genres of entertainment music on the programme of Radio Belgrade included pop songs, chansons, and serenades [62]. These genre reference points indicate entertaining vocal-instrumental music, often dance music, written to texts whose subject matter is love. These characteristics, along with the titles of songs, suggest a connection to dance music, primarily American music [63]. Furthermore, these genres also included music from “sound films” of the time (1932, no. 8, 5). The popularity of pop songs, chansons, and serenades is witnessed by the fact that Radio-Beograd magazine occasionally published the texts of certain numbers in Serbian. In addition, listeners also had the opportunity to hear versions in English and Spanish and less frequently, in French and German (for more details, see: 1929, no. 5, 6; 1929, no. 6, 5; 1933, no. 2, 2). The abovementioned genres were often broadcast under the common name of “light music” (less commonly “drawing-room music”). Based on the analysis of the programme, we have established that “light music” represented a synthesis of all the current genres of entertainment music at the time. Such music was based on dance and instrumental numbers and popular vocal genres. In addition, the “light music” type included numbers of entertaining, dance character, mainly from operettas, by composers of “classical” music (such as Edvard Grieg, Jacques Offenbach, Maurice Ravel and Johann Strauss) [64]. Music was played from records, but there were also live performances in shows such as “Zabavni concert velikog radio-orkestra” (Light Concert of the Large Radio Orchestra) and “Kabaretsko veče” (Cabaret Night) (for example, 1930, no. 7, 17). The show “Kabaretsko veče” was particularly popular because it discussed contemporary phenomena through popular music [65]. The “light music” subtype also included “morning light music”, consisting of “marches and waltzes, chansons and pop songs and was intended for listeners who had just woken up and are getting dressed, eating breakfast or browsing through the morning paper” (1936, no. 16, 1). Listening to this type of music did not require great concentration, which is why shows consisted of “light, cheerful, almost insignificant pieces that one could listen to ‘with one ear’” (1936, no. 16, 1). The so-called “Schrammel Music”, that is, “cheerful, unpretentious music” was also broadcast as a subgenre of “light music” (1936, no. 20, 8). “Schrammel Music” also represented a kind of potpourri of instrumental dance numbers, sometimes in combination with vocal numbers, and was performed by an instrumental quartet (comprised of two violins, a guitar and an accordion). In addition to dance music, the first contact of Belgrade listeners with contemporary American music culture was established though jazz, which would undergo a major expansion after the Second World War (Gašić, 2005; 131). However, since the title in the programmes always read “broadcast of the music of a jazz band”, we cannot be certain whether they were actually performing jazz. We believe that “light music” genres were prevalent after all. Jazz was mentioned mainly in the context of dance music, that is, as a type of dance music (for example, in the show “Čas džez igranja” /Jazz Dance Lesson/) [66], and it is mentioned that the jazz band also performed pop songs. This type of music was usually played from records in the afternoons and performed live in the evenings [67]. It was under the influence of these recordings that jazz bands were formed (Baronijan, 1970б; 105). There were four jazz bands in Belgrade – the radio jazz band, the “Soni boj” jazz band, the “Sadžo” jazz tango band and the balalaika jazz band [68]. Lectures on “black music”, based on the historical approach and emphasis of the value of this type of music, were broadcast with the aim of popularizing jazz (1932, no. 2, 4) [69]. The great prevalence of entertainment music bears witness to the fact that radio audiences accepted current musical trends, mostly imported from American culture via European culture. There is no way of telling how “aware” the listeners were that by consuming such music they were in fact receiving foreign influences, but there is no doubt that American culture was more liberal, which was probably what attracted the audience (Storey, 2004; 9) [70]. Americanization was also connected with the expansion of popular culture and was perceived as a “collective dream world” and an escape from reality (Storey, 2004; 9). Therefore, if we bear in mind that the political, economic and social situation in the Serbian cultural milieu was very unstable in the period between the two wars, the adoption of these influences becomes especially understandable [71]. The acceptance of entertainment music was greatly influenced by integration into the trends of the industrialization of culture. Music was represented as merchandise that was sold and brought profit to composers and performers, which made them respect the listeners’ wishes. It was emphasized that “broadcasting stations are now the composers’ biggest employers…” and that “they provide profit to composers by paying them royalties” (1930, no. 14; 1 - 3). Although some claimed that “the radio will destroy music and musicians” precisely because of the commercialization of the market, it turned out that the radio “was beneficial for all its victims” (1936, no. 12, 3). It was stressed that the main quality of this medium was its economy, because “much in the same way that the introduction of machines into industrial companies brought about a complete transformation in the type of production, the radio, thanks to its inexpensiveness, provides those who have previously been far from music culture with the pleasure of a music work, which used to be accessible only to the more affluent” (1930, no. 14, 3). Therefore, there was an awareness of market demands, which is a characteristic of economic and social modernization. As we have already highlighted, a large part of the programme consisted of music from gramophone records. In addition, a special phenomenon, previously unfamiliar to many listeners, was the broadcasting of live performed music, which made the radio “an intermediary between the music producer [performer, note B.S.] and the consumer” (Švarc, 1933; 46) [72]. Broadcasts of live music performances enabled listeners from lower social classes, who had not had the experience of attending the institution of a public concert, to “participate” in that event [73]. This information is all the more valuable if we bear in mind that “the music life in our capital [was, note B.S.] rather poor” (1936, no. 7, 1). Namely, the music on the radio became a medium for erasing boundaries between different social classes, even though fundamental boundaries between those classes did exist. That is precisely what Rikard Švarc talked about: “Therefore, as much as the radio somewhat reduced the audience in the concert halls…, on the other hand, it equally popularized music art and expanded the circle of music consumers to the greatest possible degree” (Švarc, 1932: 47). The development of popular culture, that is, the improvement of the quality of everyday life, made it possible for different social structures of listeners of music on the radio to connect. A large part of the programme consisted of folk music [74]. The conventional wisdom is that folk music is associated with traditional music, lower social classes (which are often linked with rural life) [75], and even with primitive societies (Мiddleton, 1990; 127). However, there are interpretations according to which the penetration of folk music is part of the process of modernization of traditional societies, which is supported by the fact that many folklore genres influenced the development of popular music (Мiddleton, 1990; 129). On Radio Belgrade folk music was in fact interpreted as a form of entertaining, “light”, music, typically referred to as “folk playing” [76]. Folk music performers were diverse and included vocal soloists, instrumental soloists (mainly playing the accordion, less frequently the gusle or bagpipes), the orchestra of Serbian Gypsies, the folk ensemble of Radio Belgrade (founded in 1935) and the tamboura radio orchestra (founded in 1936). Folk music was mostly performed live (in the evenings) and less often played from records (typically in the mornings). The most popular among the performed numbers were folk dances and vocal compositions (“folk playing with singing”) to texts based on love or entertaining themes, which were occasionally accompanied by the publication of the songs’ texts and music. It is difficult to determine the genre of the songs more precisely, although we assume (based on the texts and names of songs) that the dominant songs were old-town songs and love songs and the prevailing instrumental composition was kolo (some of the folk songs were played in the show “Muzika za igru” /Dance Music/) [77]. It was believed that this type of music is particularly characteristic of the Belgrade area, since “Belgrade should give us what we cannot hear anywhere else except in Belgrade, which is our songs, our love songs” (1936, no. 14, 1). We can, therefore, observe analogies between characteristics of folk music and popular entertaining music (their entertaining, cheerful, dance character, love as their subject matter, their acceptance in broader circles of listeners), which additionally points to the fact that folk music was a part of popular culture [78]. We have already pointed out that political modernization is characterized by awareness of national belonging, which can also be observed on the basis of certain segments of the music programme. The rule book on the operation of broadcasting stations contained a provision stating that the programme had to include national, Slavic and foreign music and that vocal music had to be in the official language, with the possibility of exceptions (1933, no. 17, 1). It was emphasized that music could not be understandable to all nations, that is, could not be “international”, which made it necessary for each nation to have its own music (1933, no. 3, 1). Consequently, Serbian music, especially songs from older folk tradition, occupied an important place on the programme (1933, no. 3, 4) [79]. At the same time, the idea of Yugoslavism was also present, so that the radio broadcast shows consisted of “Yugoslav ballads” and “Yugoslav songs”. In that sense, a part of the music programme was determined by political events. One of the important questions of the classical theory of modernization is the postulation of the dichotomy between “traditionalism” and “modernism” (Gredelj, 1997). On the one hand, we have mentioned the “modern” music phenomena, but on the other hand, the daily broadcasts of liturgies indicate a still-present traditional system, which is characterized by the prevalence of religion on a state level (Marković, 1990; 11). However, “the struggle between tradition and innovation, which is the basic principle of the internal development of the culture of historical societies, is predicated entirely on the permanent victory of innovation” (Debord, 1999; 146) [80]. Regardless of traditional tendencies, European and American music constituted a large portion of the programme, which the listeners applauded. And that is precisely one of the most evident signs of integration into the modernization process. Conclusion Based on an analysis of Radio Belgrade in the interwar period, conducted by reading Radio-Beograd magazine, we can conclude that conditions for the modernization of Serbian society did exist. On the one hand, we have observed that Serbian society was in a period of transition toward modernization, and on the other hand, we have realized that modernization was accomplished in certain segments of the political, social and cultural life. The investment of foreign capital was one of the key factors in the initiation of the modernization process, which brought about a more rapid expansion of foreign influences (European and American). In that sense, the development of the culture of everyday life, popular culture and music contributed to the more efficient acceptance of the models of modernization. In the interwar period, the music broadcast over the radio was one of the most effective systems of “conveying” the messages of modernization in the Belgrade sociocultural milieu. By examining the music programme, we have ascertained that it was precisely through music that the key formal indicators of the modernization process (great social differentiation, industrialization, great empathy, mass communication, influence of foreign capital, sense of national belonging, secularization) had great potential for social application. Since undeveloped and smaller societies always resisted adopting models of developed communities, it turned out that the system of connecting through the media was the most acceptable for captivating a wider population. In that sense, the medium of radio, as well as the music broadcast over the radio, represent key mechanisms that contributed to the integration of Serbia/Belgrade into modern European trends. Translated by Jelena Nikezić
Literature:
Radio-Beograd Magazine
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